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TELEGRAM.
Ackgd 5/18/17
10:51 p.m. 64
29 WU. FD. 154
Philadelphia, Pa., May 4, 1917.
THE PRESIDENT.
Today's demonstration in Petrograd against the Russian provisional government means inevitable disaster to the cause of world democracy as against militarism. Unless you immediately cable to the Russian workmen and soldiers committee, as well as to the provisional government, that the United States agrees in substance with Russian aims for peace; namely recognition of democratic rule and a peace without indemnities or retaliations. Unless you can impress both the provisional government of Russia and the insurgent factions that aid from the United States is coming speedily and directly, instead of through the kindly offices of the British and French, Russia's fate is sealed. I beg of you to excuse this appeal because of my intense desire to place before you the real temper of the Russian people and I implore you to act speedily; you and you alone in all the world can turn the scale.
Michael M. Podolsky, Member of Labor Tommittee Advisory Comission Council of National Defense.
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Please acknowledge.
The President. C.L.S.
[?] Done
[?]/8/17
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CMS-M
June 13, 1917.
PERSONAL
My dear Mr. Tumulty:
Herewith enclosed find editorial comments from the daily papers here on The President's Message to the Russians, which I think you will fine interesting.
With kindest regards and best wishes, believe me,
Very sincerely yours, Colin M. Selph
Mr. Joseph P. Tumulty, Secretary to The President, Washington, D.C.
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SAINT LOUIS GLOBE-DEMOCRAT - 6 - 11- 17
MR WILSON'S RUSSIAN NOTE.
President Wilson's note to the new Russian Government is different in tone, in phraseology and in substantial contents from the peace note he sent many months ago to each of the belligerents and also from his early discussion of various aspects of the war. But our participation in the war has actually changed some conditions and brought a different understanding of others. A series of specific violations of our rights drove us into the war, but now that we are in it and are co-operating with the entente allies, we cannot withdraw until the sinister aims of the Imperial German Government are thwarted and some effectual plan for preventing their recrudescence is provided. We could not, for example, get out of the war should Germany abandon submarine warfare any more than the colonists could have laid down arms after Bunker Hill merely because Parliament had repealed the tax on tea. Once in the war we are in for all its worthy purposes. We have disavowed conquest, indemnity or any material profit or aggrandizement for ourselves. But we are not bound to resist demands of the allies for reparation for actual damages caused by German invasion. Mr. Wilson opposes punitive indemnities and protests against territory changing hands "except for the purpose of securing those who inhabit it a fair chance of life and liberty."
There can be no literal restoration of the status quo ante. Too many people and too many things have been irreparably wiped out. The German influence could not be taken out of Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria and Turkey. If there were a theoretical restoration of 1914 conditions, Pan-Germanism would have accomplished many of its aims, although at an immense cost. After a period of recuperation the junker spirit of domination might strike again. This spirit must be crushed, either by the German people or by the enemies of Germany. Mr. Wilson exposes the hypocrisy of the Imperial Government of Germany in using as catspaws representatives of the liberal elements to whom it has never been "just or fair or even tolerant." It is striving to retain its own domestic power. The future peace of the world demands that this ruling class and its purposes be evertlastingly defeated
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