U. B. V. to Frederick Douglass, March 26, 1855

Mr. Editor:—From the hour of the first enslavement of the African captives, and their forcible introduction into the "New World," to the present time, the idea of their inferiority has been insidiously urged by those who felt it to be to their interest to keep them in a servile condition; and, as if to hide their guilt, they attempt to justify themselves, by resorting to the meanest and contemptible subterfuge of denying their bondmen's claims to equal brotherhood in the human family, and exultingly point to the lowly condition and mental inferiority of their slaves, and the nominally free in the Northern States, as evidence of their assertion. Though often baffled in their fiendish efforts, by the force of Truth and Reason, still they battle with indomitable perseverance. They have long since discovered that interest is the director of American sensibilities, giving them force and directness to the end desired. They let no opportunity pass when it can be reached; and through its selfish agency, they have, in a measure, ingrafted this murderous idea upon the religion and politics of the nation, until its acknowledgment has become the test of patriotism; and we have, thereby, presented to the world the extraordinary phenomenon in civilization, of some of the best educated minds in the land supporting, directly or indirectly, a monstrous evil and glaring error. Thus have the masses become indoctrinated with a false idea of true justice, the influence of which is robbing the body politic of its vitality, like the parasite-fungus, that entwines its exhausting and poisonous tendrils around its forest prey, until its sunken trunk falls crumbling to the earth.

Counteraction has become necessary to free the minds of the people from the effects and influence of their spiritual, political and scholastic education, and to endeavor to turn their minds in that direction, from which they can view and place the true estimate upon man as man, and not as a bondman. Believing, as I do, that in the minds of the people, we are linked together as one class and race, I am forced to the conclusion, that, in consequence of the advancement of our forefathers, slavery is the cause of American prejudice, and that it "is the pivot" upon which the feeling it has engendered turns, and that the force of it is felt, more or less, in proportion to the distance that we are removed from the centre of its influence.

But "W. W." says, "If any man believes that prejudice is heaped upon him because his father was enslaved, then there is but little hope of the generation which succeeds him." I am at a loss to see how we can lose anything by admitting what I consider a self evident fact, particularly when it is not left to us to establish it, by our admission or belief—or in what way we can put back the day for the correction of the evil. It is a well-known fact, that prejudice does not manifest itself against us, as it does because we are "colored" alone—for all fare alike. Though a man may be as fair as the fairest Caucasian, if the admixture of blood is made known, he, at once, falls to the position of that assigned to the darkest Ethiopian. If this be true, then I hold that there must be some other cause than the one assigned by "W. W."—"color"—and that it is the contaminating influence of Slavery.— This is the first cause, and what we complain of—its effects. To meet it with any hope of success, we must not waste our strength in a Quixotic fight, battling against imaginary causes.

I believe it will be admitted on all sides, when anything occurs of an injurious tendency, and we desire its correction, the first thing necessary to be done, is to endeavor to discover the cause, that the corrections may be applied. Imaginary issues, such as W. W. advances, lead us off rom the true one; and this is what our opponents desire, which would secure to them the quiet possession of their peculiar "property." "The African was destined, by his Creator, to be the hewer of wood and drawer of water." This declaration would fix upon us from the beginning the mark of inferority, denying our equal manhood; and I would vindicate it upon the high and noble ground received from, and recognized by the Great Godhead—that we are men. What ground is there that we can stand on stronger than this? We can make it the standpoint of defence and attack, and bid defiance to our calumniators and assailants—for God and Truth are on our side.

But, to meet W. W.'s views, we must back down—for he says, "If any man believes that he is too degraded to possess the elective franchise, I cheerfully accord to him the right of his being his own representative." Whilst I must accord to him the credit of liberal to the extent of representation; yet I think the inference he draws is somewhat narrow and contracted. I cannot see wherein we own ourselves to be degraded, by acknowledging the association which Nature has established between the free and the slave population, or why it should be the cause of our enfranchisement. The degradation produced by the institution of slavery upon the enslaved, I admit, reflects injuriously upon the nominally free for the time being; but as we rise (and rise we

shall) by the force and weight of our character and abilities to the standard and requirements of other men, then will we be able, with additional force, to claim our own and their rights. It is by these means I hope and expect we shall be able to overcome prejudice. But if prejudice is instinctive, and rises, as it is asserted by W. W., because we are different from them in "features, race and complexion," I would ask him, through what freak of nature (for such it must be, as I cannot see how it could be produced by natural causes) does he expect the cause of the dislike against us to be removed? and how many generations must pass away before their descendents shall be in a more presentable and acceptable condition that will not offend the sensitive "instincts" of the dominant party?

If I were willing to stop here, I would accept this his [open?] proposition, as being cause sufficient to justify any prejudice that might arise against us -- for as long as we retained any of those physical evidences alluded to, we should expect to feel the "instinctive dislike and hate" of those whose feelings were thus based against us, and they would have some reason for saying "that we are of an inferior race," consequently unfit for social or political equality. But I am unwilling to admit for a moment that such is the case; that these differences have the power to produce any such feeling upon society—for we have abundant proof that talent, moral worth and wealth, have, and do claim for those possessing either, a high place in the esteem and admiration of the community where they are known.— As for instance—a black man once came to Philadelphia, and attended church. He went into a good pew, (by invitation,) and the next neighbor asked the man who owned it, why he put a nigger into his pew?

"Why, sir he's a Haytien." "Can't help that; he's black!" "Why, sir, he's a correspondent of mine." "Can't help that; he's black!" "He's worth a million of dollars." "Introduce me."

Dollars made the way clear to the interest-seeking heart of the objector; and the black and white hand were clasped together, in the hearty grip, upon the terms of equality. This instance is only one of the many of a like character, that might be given if I thought it necessary, which proves that position, when discovered, will elevate the possessor to a higher place in the estimation of these who "W. W." says hate us on account of our color. Can he explain how it is that Frederick Douglass, Dr. Jas. McCune Smith, and many others, have risen far above this feeling, and receive the willing respect and admiration from them, not from the few, but wherever they are known?

The position assumed by W. W. seems to me to be that of an apologist for American prejudice, (yet I am satisfied that it is far from his intention for it to be such,)—for he says it is the instinctive offspring of ignorance. If this was true, our oppressors would be able to put forth this plea in justification of their acts toward us, when arraigned before the world's tribunal—Public Opinion. But they dare not—for its hypocrisy would be too transparent. But, to consider the view offered, two things must be done ere we can look for a more favorable chance in our behalf;—the enlightenment of the dominant class—and that we, the "hated and "debased," are to be the instruments to effect it.

Whilst I feel that we have learned in the severest school the philosophy of endurance, until it seems to have become a part of our very nature, consequently ever hopeful, waiting for the long-promised "good time coming;" yet, if we are to wait until "the powers that be" are educated out of their prejudice, and that we are to be levers for their devotion, I think we could sooner level the "Alps on Alps that rise," referred to by W.W., before we an direct the "white man's mind" – for he says it is "that which is to be engaged, and not the black man s condition"—or, in other words, the "black man must change his skin, so as not to offend his idea of manly beauty."

We come now to the last turn of W. W., on his ideal "pivot." "In this country complexion of manhood and the character of citizenship." As with the others, I question the correctness of this statement, for the simple reason that the test of American citizenship goes far beyond that of color. They mean that there must not be any mixture of African blood in those who are to be recognized as citizens, and to be entitled to the protection of its laws. Have we not abundant evidence around us to prove that every outward trace of African lineage was removed? Still it does not advance him either politically or socially—for the prejudice is somewhat more than skin deep; it manifests itself the instant that the white man finds that his complexional brother, whom he treated a few moments before as a man and an equal, is connected with that class who are held in bondage, he falls in his estimation, and in that of the laws. Does not this prove that they estimated us by some other standard than the one assigned, "because we differ in features, race, and complexion?"

I think that the evidence is sufficiently clear to justify the assertion, that the prejudice from which we suffer had its origin in the enslavement of the African, and thro' our blood relationship, (the tree) we are linked together as one race; and all of the vices and dullness of intellect, produced by the deadening effects of slavery, are bestowed upon us as our natural inheritance. And this is advanced as reason sufficient for refusing to extend to us equal politial privileges in the free States, with one or two excepetions; consequently, in the body politic, we ae regarded as nonentities.— Here is the cause of or proscription; and it becomes our duty to lay bare the root of this tree of evil, which is now overshadowing us, preventing the full development of our manhood.

In conclusion, I would say to those who have the power, to extend to us free political action, leaving to each his own future condition to care for, and I am fully convinced of the uprising of our people from the ruins of their fettered natures, which the incomplete laws of our land have so long bound and like the unquenched fires of nature, bursting up spontaneously thro' the mountain weights that [illegible] to keep them under, shall rise unshackled above the associated low condition assigned them, and verfy the motto, "EXCELSIOR!"

U. B. V.

POINT BREEZE, March 26th, 1855.

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