NEW! Documents for Transcription (1853-1865)

4. That this view of the case strengthens the anti-slavery argument, not only by placing ourselves in a consistent position, but also by showing that slavery ruins both the slave and his master. Both demand the Reformer's aid.— So also at the North; Land Reform is not more for the good of the poor than the benefit of the rich. Both classes are injured by the monopoly, but the poor are injured the least— for there is some hope of the son of a poor father, while there is none for the son of a rich and aristocratic parents.

Very few of the leading anti-slavery men of our times occupy a defensible position. Some of them are monopolizing aristocrats, imitating in their style of life, the nabobs of the South, and are as greedy to monopolize the bones and muscles of free whites, as are the oligarchs of the South, against whom they denounce eternal ———— * As given in Duryhson's Human Health, p. 108.

wrath, to monopolize and hold as chattels the laborers by whom they live and luxuriate.— Others studiously avoid those scorching truths that condemn the social evils of the North, through fear of offending some rich and selfish anti-slavery patron. The sooner all such in connection with the Duchess of Sutherland and that other Abolitionist to whom I referred, are assigned their proper position, the better; for a moral basis cannot be laid under the Anti-Slavery movement until the chaff is winnowed and screened from the wheat.

Yours, &c.,

L. A. HINE.

For Frederick Douglass' Paper.

FROM OUR SAN FRANCISCO CORRESPONDENT.

SAN FRANCISCO, March 14, '56.

FREDERICK DOUGLASS: DEAR SIR:—I resume my pen to transmit a few items, which may not prove uninteresting to your intelligent readers.

California, at present, (politically speaking,) is intensely Southern in feeling and action. She knows "no North, no East, no West"— nothing but the South. She has prostituted herself beyond all parallel, and is now a foul excrescence on the body politic—loathesome beyond endurance. What she expects to gain by this course, so inimical to her true interest, is more than any sane person can conjecture.— The South has done nothing for her, and is not likely to do anything, as they are aware she must return to her senses before a great while. Wm. H. Seward has done more for the interests of the State, than all her own representatives combined. He has taken especial interest in her welfare; but the ungrateful curse has never taken the slightest notice of his eminent services; but instead, the Pike County Legislature (the lower house, or the lowest house) has passed resolutions condemning the election of N. P. Banks to the Speakership, as tending to promote the "dissolution of the Union."— Would to God! it could be dissolved; the North, once free from the South, would become a mighty republic. Her moral and physical power enabling her to absorb all the rebellious elements on the continent of America, she would speedily become a second Russia in power.

The Banks resolutions have not come before the Senate for action yet. It is, thought they will not pass them, as there is some little decency in the body. Ten members voted in the negative on the Banks resolutions in the House; but one of them, the next day asked to have his name recorded in the affirmative, as "he had been denounced as an Abolitionist."— Poor, miserable fellow! he "couldn't stand the pressure." This will give you some idea of the moral courage of a large portion of Eastern men in California. Southern men, on the con-

trary, are constantly insulting the North and Northern men. On the streets, at the public tables of steam-boats and hotels, the expressions "d—d Yankee," "d—d Abolitionist," are as familiar as household words; and yet Northern men will sit by as mute as lambs, not daring to own their native soil, except when the indefinite word "America" expresses it. Oh! shame on such contemptible cowardice. It is unworthy the meanest slave on Legree's plantation.

The Democratic State Convention, to elect delegates to the Cincinnati Convention, has adjourned after a three days' session. They endorsed Pierce's administration from first to last, but repudiated Pierce. What refined cruelty this is! Not one delegate advocated the claims of Pierce for renomination—and this after his extraordinary bids for it. "Buchanan!" "Buchanan!" is the war cry of the Democratic party. Alas! poor, Pierce—"none so poor as to do him reverence." He will shortly follow in the footsteps of that notorious renegade, John Mitchell, and go to that bourn from whence no political traveller will, henceforward, return.

The "Americans" are alarmed at the prospect of Buchanan's nomination; and well they may be, for the renomination of Pierce is their only hope. But in either event, they are doomed to ultimate defeat and death. The next great contest will be between Liberty and Slavery. This is divesting the thing of its tinsel and tomfoolery, whether it be in the shape of Democracy, Republicanism, Americanism, or any other ism or ocracy.

We have not presented our Petition for the right to testify in the courts as yet; but will have done so before the next steamer sails, when I will advise you of its fate. This disability makes us so helpless, we are exposed to every species of outrage and indignity. Thieves steal our effects before our eyes, and laugh and mock at our inability to convict them. But this is not all. It closes against us a thousand avenues to places of trust and profit. A colored man is obliged to employ a white man as clerk, or give him an interest in his business, in order to protect it; and you must see how completely he is at the mercy of his partner or clerk. This is no exaggerated picture. Every day my ear is pained, and my heart made sick of wrong and outrage in this particular. For proof of my statement, ask any intelligent returned Californian. If we could obtain our "oath," hundreds would send immediately for their families, and hundreds more would take the necessary steps to procue them, who under the existing state of things, cannot make up their minds to settle in the State.

The dullness of the times is the all-absorbing topic at present. The fountain of our prosperity is literally dried up—that is, water. It has not rained for two months, and this is the "rainy season," or the season in which it should rain. There is an immense quantity of snow on the mountains, which will melt in warm weather, and supply the mines with water, when times must be better.

California has lost nearly all her distinguished features; wages are a very little better than in New York, and living much more. I know of several persons who are employed at $20 per month—laborers from $2 to $3 per day— their board from $5 to $8 per week—washing from $2 to $3 per doz. Many persons work all winter for their board. You will perceive this is not the El Dorado many persons imagine. "Distance lends enchantment to the view."— Nothing is done on a healthy basis. Money is obtained at ruinous of interest—from 3 to 10 per cent a month—which no investment will justify. The consequence is, failures are daily occurrences. To invest your money in real estate—the title of which is as good as a slaveholder's to a seat in heaven—is to throw it away. To deposit it in any of the numerous banks, is to tempt the bankers to steal, which, by the way, seems to be the legitimate object for which banks are established in California. Thieving is the order of the day, whether by the failure (which they know must take place) of banker or merchant, or the sharp financiering of J. C. Wood's, Meggs', or Sanders', or the swindling land speculator or office-holder.— It is all theft, because their motives are dishonest. This is a gloomy picture.

The Evening Bulletin, edited by James King, is engaged in the task (a Herculean one) of exposing corruption in high places; and it is daily bringing to light transactions so infamous, that in any other community would consign their authors to the penitentiary or gallows. Familiarity breeds indifference, and we are not startled by its awful disclosures. To give you some idea of how we have been deceived by those in whom we reposed confidence, I have only to say that the receiver, appointed to settle the affairs of Adams & Co., turned out to be a particeps criminis in the robbery of which J. C. Wood was the principal. But I cannot expect that these things will interest you who are so far removed from the scene of their action.

March 17th.—The Banks resolutions of the Assembly did not pass the Senate. It was thought by this body (the Senate) to adopt them would be to "run the thing into the ground." They, however, deprecated all agitation of this vexed question.

Our petition has been presented in the Senate, or rather Mr. Flint presented a petition from merchants of San Francisco, numerously signed, "praying for the repeal of the statute invalidating negro and mulatto testimony for or against any white person." On the same day Mr. Tiske, of El Dorado Co., presented one, praying for the same, from his own constituency. The Legislature will be flooded with these petitions. As yet, they have excited no discussion, but have been quietly referred to the Judiciary Committee. Two years ago our petitions were burned and thrown out of the windows of the capitol. But we are gradually becoming humanized—not civilized. But enough at present. More anon.

Respectfully,

NUBIA.

For Frederick Douglass' Paper.

FROM OUR BOSTON CORRESPONDENT.

BOSTON, March 10th, '56.

FRIEND DOUGLASS:—The weather here has been excessively cold. It is encouraging however, to know that it will be warmer after the cold weather abates!

Well, the two extremes of the Know Nothing party have met in solemn conclave, in the good old Quaker City, for a friendly interchange of thought, and to devise means for a more perfect union. The result is what any one who is in any way familiar with the history of the party, might have expected. Even a blind man might have seen it in the dark, without a light! The party, as such, has been reduced to a mere cypher, and every effort to revive it appears only to bury it deeper in its own slough. The leading members of the party have made every effort, since its organization, to ignore the question of human freedom altogether, and to make the party just what the South wants, and must have. In this they have not been successful.— If they could have kept together, it is not probable, that in the Presidential contest they could have kept even a respectful distance behind. Now, it is questionable, whether we can say such a party exists. The only evil result that I can see likely to proceed form the rupture of the mortified ligament which bound the two factions together, is, the Northern Know Nothings by their professed Anti-Slavery principles and platform, may tend, in a measure, to distract the Republican vote. It was in this manner that they carried this State last November. I hope the friends of freedom will look well to this in the coming contest; and I would say to all who love freedom, and hate slavery, or who are willing to do something for freedom, that the time has come, when you should not allow minor points to keep you from the great object in view. Catholicism, subtreasury, tariffs, and foreign influence, are all questions of more or less importance to the nation, but they should be waived for the present; and the whole force concentrated on the side of freedom.— The time has now come, when the battles of freedom must be fought, and if you will not do it at the ballot-box, the responsibilities of the contest which must inevitably fellow, will be

upon your heads.

Upon you, freemen of the North, hangs the responsibility, not of the simple question of the restoration of the Missouri Compromise, and the freedom of Kansas; but upon you rests the fearful responsibility as to whether freedom or slavery shall triumph. Slavery has ruled long enough; it is high time we had a reform and that freedom should take her turn.

A colored young man has been published here, for begging for money to educate himself. This I regard as a very doubtful method of reforming the young. The lad referred to, is certainly capable of a high degree of intellectual and moral culture, and if his course is twice as bad as is represented we sho'd consider the above course against him a doubtful one. It is much easier to rob a man of his good name than to give him one.

Since I wrote last, I have had a very pleasant trip in Western Massachusetts; I tried to find a copy of your paper, but no, not a soul that I asked, had it. I think an active agent might procure you many subscribers in this State. I had a "good time," and I tender my thanks to Dr. Church, Messrs. Elmer, Montague, Ringold, Baggs, Lincoln, McFarland, Wells, Stewart, Pratt, Buell, Porter, Lane, Allison, Weston, Master, Hale, and others who contributed to make my visit both pleasant and profitable.

I imagine that "Communipaw," and "Philo," will both get the best of their discussion.

"To shake that fantastic toe,"

I am inclined to believe that it cost some a mere trifle, say five or six dollars; but I am assured that some got ready at an expense of at least fifty dollars. I think if you count railroad fare, and all, the expense could not be less than $3500. I have been censured for not "blowing" the Club up in the papers, but those who were anxious to have me do so, I regard with much less favor, though professedly very devout, than most of those who attended the ball. So far as balls are concerned I regard them as of very questionable propriety for a poor people, tho' they have as much right to their opinions as I have to mine, and so far, we will agree to disagree. I have heard that "Philo" was "hanging around" Boston some two or three days; he did not come to see us. I am "half mad" at him about it, "and don't care if this gets to his ears!"

S.

For Frederick Douglass' Paper.

AN INTERESTING DOCUMENT.

MR. DOUGLASS:—The Bloomfield family is one of the most distinguished and honored in the history of New Jersey.

Dr. Moses Bloomfield was Surgeon General of New Jersey in the Continental Army. Governor Bloomfield was one of his sons. Another was Samuel, Assistant Surgeon to his father. My friend, Joseph E. Bloomfield, Esq., of Mexico, Oswego Co., is a son of Samuel.— He permits me to send to the press a letter written by his grandfather to his grandfather's son, Capt. Joseph Bloomfield. Along with the letter I send you an account of the "First Abolition Meeting," taken from an old copy of the Newark, (N. J.) Eagle. You will see, that, in those days, a man could be both a patriot and an abolitionist. To be an abolitionist now is to be regarded as necessarily an enemy of your country.

My friend J. E. B. tells me that his grandfather "was a puritan in its strictest sense; shaved on Saturday, so as not to work on Sunday; would have no cooking done on Sunday; had a cold dinner that day, so as to allow his servants to go to Church; was a Deacon in the Presbyterian Church."

Your friend,

GERRIT SMITH.

PETERBORO, March 25th, 1856.

LETTER OF DR. MOSES BLOOMFIELD.

DEAR SON:—Yours from Albany, dated May the 30th, came to hand the 5th of June.— Your Diary was very agreeable, not only to us, but many others, and if you can favor us with some more extracts, I shall be very glad.— Yours from Johnstown is yet on the way. I have sent you two, and your brother Sam'l Bloom-

field, father of Jos. E. Bloomfield, one letter, which I hope you have received, but for fear my last has got shipwrecked, will inform you that our election for delegates to Congress, held three days. The following returned Dr. M. Bloomfield; Col. Wetherill, Major John Dunn, Jonathan D. Sargent and Mr. Combs. I set out this evening for South Amboy. Then shall take the stage in the morning for Burlington, where the Congress is to sit, and begin this day according to order of the last. Elections have been warm in general through the counties. In my next, which will be from Burlington, shall send you a list of the members, &c., &c.

I believe we shall take Government into our own hands, till our present dispute is ended.— This appears to me a step absolutely necessary for the promotion of peace and good order, as very little respect is paid to the officers of Government, and indeed they begin to be in no small degree obnoxious to the people. Upon the siege of Quebec being raised; our Tories prick up their ears, and let their tongues run. If they don't take care they will lay a foundation for no small trouble to themselves.

Times are now become serious to the last degree, and a few weeks, will discover our friends and enemies. I don't know how it is, but the nearer the great day of trial approaches, the more firm and determined I feel. I judge our cause is righteous, and trust a righteous God will espouse it. My dear child we must trust in God, who can teach our hands to war, and fingers to fight, and who can preserve us from the most imminent danger. I trust the God of Hosts will lead our armies to the fight and cover their heads in the day of battle. Will not our troops fight valiantly for the liberties of their country? I know they will. I wish our late misfortune in Canada, had the same effect on every American, it has on me. Never has anything happened yet, since the contest began, which has fired me like it, and I hope our freemen will before long settle that account with large interest. It is best to have a check once in a while, it makes us exert ourselves, and directs us to look to Him, who is able to help us, and whose assistance we must implore.