2110-7-11-5

7, Audley Square, W.1.

16th July 1936.

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My dear John

You may be sure that many of us have been disturbed by the reports of the last few days, but this morning's is much more encouraging. We can all guess what has happened: public energy & private enterprise between them are proving too great a burden, and there is a general feeling here that you should be merciful to yourself and not overburden the machine at the outset. For your programme of public work is far-flung, has a long series of responsible years before it, while the accounts which reach us of your activities indicate a degree of burden which sounds difficult to carry. You have all our good wishes, but our exhortations towards caution as well.

Politics are too disturbing for words, and I will send you a line about domestic affairs. Firstly, let me tell you about Eton & the Provostship. I confess that astonishment at Hugh Cecil's appointment was universal, and in many quarters was succeeded by consternation. To put Linkie into such a post seemed a most paradoxical experiment. His own experience of Eton as a boy was confined to 12 or 18 months of misery. Since then, one thing in which he has never shown any interest whatever is the education of boys, their sport, their recreations, their evasive personality. I myself look upon the Provostship of Eton as all-important. The Headmaster has a whole battalion of assistant masters who require constant handling & supervision - so great are his departmental duties that he is overwhelmed by administration, and can

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scarcely talk to a boy. It is on the Provost latterly that extra-mural duties have fallen. He has been becoming a pivot of Eton life. Monty James was ill for a long time (though not so long as Hugh Cecil's indisposition), but during the last few years his influence has been growing by leaps & bounds. Being detached from the everyday life and controversies of the School, a few words with the Provost went far - were in fact impressive, and indeed crucial in some of these young careers. And now Linkie is to succeed this wise and genial man. I cannot picture Linkie presiding over a tea-table or dispensing Sunday morning breakfast, with his elliptical criticism, which, however witty, is not a little tinged with cynicism,- the natural outcome of 30 years polemics in the House of Commons. The fact is, he wholly lacks the mellowness, the sense of encouragement and understanding so prominent in the patient old philosopher, M.R.J. Well, well, let us hope that my fears may be unfounded, and that his sermons will compensate for any shortcomings in the Provost's Lodge. It is possible that in these new surroundings he may develop, and prove a great success. Eton needs all the help possible. The machine becomes so enormous tht it grinds along and whole sections of Eton life seem oblivious of next-door neighbours.

You used to be very much concerned in the History of Parliament. Jim Salisbury insisted on my joining the Committee. He wanted some new members, as the orginal group was gradually disappearing, or

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failing to attend. Little did I realise what I had let myself in for! I have attended two meetings; and at the first, a general opinion was expressed that Wedgwood's Introduction to the volume covering the 15th century was scarcely suitable to launch this great enterprise upon the world. It is a chatty, gossipy, & highly controversial picture: - not of Parliament but of social life of the period- containing, by the way, one disparaging remark about Dante which made my blood boil. But what do you think of this for the Introduction of the penultimate paragraphs:

"PUBLIC OPINION AND PUBLIC STANDARDS"

Sir James Tyrell was a cold murderer; Sir Thomas St. Leger was probably worse; Edward IV was somewhat bloody: Richard III out-matched King John; the two Queens Elizabeth were contemptible ..."

Anyhow, the Committee thought unanimously that the matter should be reconsidered, whereupon Wedgwood summoned a special meeting, giving notice in effect to cancel the resolution. He is evidently pretty ill, & is having a first-class feud with the Historians, against whom he directed the most intemperate attacks,- not only as being infected by the worst features of trade unionism, but also as being incompetent. Fancy poor Powicke being charged with personal animus, or with being an amateur historian compared with Wedgwood. Anyhow, the latter gave us a kind of ultimatum that we must choose between the panel of Historians

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and himself, though he made an exception in favour of Trevelyan and Pollard. The former has been inviegled into writing some encomium of Wedgwood's thesis, which made most of us open our eyes. I really don't see how the thing is going to entuate. Wedgwood looks upon the History as his own offspring, and almost claims a proprietary right in the book. He resents all criticism, - above all the plea that history had best be written by historians. I did my best to persuade him that the Introduction to the first issued volume should be in the nature of a survey of the forthcoming work, and that it should be drawn up in such a manner as to provide cohesion & sequence with what follows. His own work is completely isolated from what must follow or will go before,- & in fact we are going to make a bad start if Wedgwood's plan is left unaltered.

Meanwhile, the Scottish side of the question is, I hope, going to be taken up. I am pressing them to make an effort to start researches into the pre-Union Parliament. The post-Union representation of Scotland will be dealt with in the general body of the work. During the last 12 or 18 months, great progress has been made in Scottish appreciation of national records, thanks to the untiring energy of Maclehose, and I have no doubt that a strong and really representative gathering could be secured in Edinburgh, which would appoint its technical Committee to lay down the lines of research & publication. With such a foundation, we could appeal for funds. I fancy Scotland would

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respond adequately if we can get help from the universities & the big trust funds - Carnegie, etc. It would be highly unfortunate if the Scottish Parliamentary History were confined to the 18th century, and onwards.

Good luck,

Yours ever

Bal